Rough ride Part 2

As I concluded in my previous column, the Constitutional reform process, particularly the necessity to obtain the approval of two-thirds of those who do vote in a referendum, presents a major challenge to the government of the day. There is a combination of genuine complaints (e.g. unavailability of the bill in its entirety) with the usual nitpicking and grouses of those politically opposed. What cannot be ignored is that now that the 2009 Constitution Bill has reached Parliament, there is much more public interest demonstrated.{{more}} It is a pity that such interest and concern was not displayed when the Constitutional Review Committee (CRC) staged its extensive series of public discussions. It must have helped in enriching the documents. But we remain still a “crisis people,” ignoring early opportunities, only to complain at the last minute. The reservations must, however, be taken into account, even as we attempt to meet the Parliamentary deadlines. In this it would do well to recall that even the Labour government of the day, reluctant as it was to engage in a participatory process, still made concessions and extended the deadlines for submissions on the 1979 Constitution.

Interestingly, an old brother and fellow foot-soldier of mine raised a new twist to the constitutional debate in a conversation we had earlier this week. He said that these days we quickly ascribe “Revolution” to processes such as the “Education Revolution”, and “Wellness Revolution.” So, his argument goes, “why are we reforming the Constitution? Why not a Constitution Revolution? A complete break with the colonial past?” Another aspect of the discussion which some may dismiss, but it highlights the complexity of the tasks before our still-young nation.

Another challenge which has connections with the Constitution is the widespread unease and concern over what is perceived as heavy-handed police tactics. The cries and complaints of police brutality are well documented, so much so that four police officers have had to be charged with assault on a 15-year-old youth. This came about, in the eyes of many, only because of public pressure, led by barrister “Jomo” Thomas, including repeated pickets of Police Headquarters by Thomas’ People’s Movement for Change (PMC). Kudos to Jomo and the PMC. Whilst most Vincentians recognize the need for firm measures to combat crime and violence, they are equally concerned that the rule of law be upheld and that those charged with upholding the law do not place themselves above and beyond it.

The concerns over alleged abuses of power by the police have political implications for, as has happened with every government since Statehood in 1969, it is the government of the day which ends up shouldering the blame. Thus, the responses of the government can give clear indicators to citizens as to where it stands on such issues. When, for instance, one hears the Commissioner of Police making excuses for the delay in charging the four officers, it is almost as though he is apologizing for following the law of the land. Can you believe that the Commissioner raised the issue of possible effects on other officers, of needing all hands on deck for Carnival, and even for the regional Vincy PAC operation? The law is the law and transgressors must face due legal process. They may well be cleared of all charges, but at least the correct procedures as set out in the law would have been followed.

Talk of Vincy PAC leads to another potential hurdle for the government. The matter of marijuana cultivation has been for more than two decades now a ticklish social and political issue. The days of innocence in this field are now long gone and there is no doubt that serious criminal elements have interwoven this into their larger drug-trafficking, money laundering and gun-running operations. But the failure of successive governments to develop a clear policy in this regard has encouraged much ambivalence. In addition, there is outside pressure from powerful governments even though within their own countries there are significant areas of ganja cultivation and public discussion about either legalizing marijuana or its value to a struggling economy.

So, in a sense, governments are caught in a quandary, especially given the importance of ganja earnings to the Vincentian economy. I can quote here from the “Poverty Assessment study in SVG 2007/8”, from villagers interviewed on the subject:

“Everybody here growing weed”.
“Nuff man a head to mountain to plant ganja. That what they survive on”.
“If ganja wasn’t planting, nuff poverty would ah been here”.

But no government can simply surrender to criminal elements with much bigger agendas than marijuana cultivation, so what do they do? The experience in St. Vincent has been one of flip-flop, but sooner or later things catch up with the government (ask previous NDP ministers). It becomes almost a “heads you win, tail I lose situation,” a factor which will become part of the mix of the next electoral concoction. In fact, there are those who recall our own P.M. telling the former Barbados leader, Owen Arthur, that the problem is not just one of supply but also of demand. What is being done at that end?

These are among the difficult issues which would make life hard for the incumbents at the next poll. What will be important for those in office is to try to rectify their shortcomings and to carry the debate and discussion on to a broader plane encompassing the many impressive achievements of the administration. With emotional issues like police excesses, given eradication and LIAT inconveniences, people can readily forget larger, much more all-encompassing issues. But for the people affected, those issues become THE issues, and once given the opportunity they will give the government a ride for their money, a ROUGH RIDE. So, in the words of the P.M., there is need to “get the little things right.”

Renwick Rose is a community activist and social commentator.