Trindad and Tobago Elections and Electoral Reform

ON MONDAY of next week, the people of Trinidad and Tobago go to the polls leading off a series of critical elections in a number of CARICOM countries over the next year or so. Following T&T, in no particular order, will be voters in Guyana, Suriname, Jamaica and St Vincent and the Grenadines. Unfortunately, while there are important issues at the national level, all of these, for one reason or another, are also subject to the nefarious interests of powerful global actors which can supercede the needs of the citizens of those countries.

This makes these elections very vulnerable to external interference. In the southern section of the CARICOM region, it is clear that given the energy resources, especially offshore, those with vested interests are bent on maintaining foreign control over the region’s resources. This involves instigating conflict, including armed aggression, between countries on opposite sides of the divide between CARICOM states in the south and the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, with which CARICOM’s powerful northern neighbour is locked in conflict. Over the course of the rest of this year and early 2026, the scheduled elections are each already attracting particular attention from US interests and external interference.

These global interests threaten to subject critical local concerns to second place. Thus, Trinidad and Tobago, while needing to deal with critical issues such as corruption, drugs and crimes, finds itself in a situation of limbo between the USA with its oil and gas conglomerates, and the immediate needs of its own people. The various governments of T&T stand accused of mismanaging its oil-rich resources over the years and there is a critical need to revitalize this sector on which the country has become very dependent as well as for economic diversification.

It has led to the realistic appraisal of the need for regional cooperation, with Venezuela in particular in joint exploration and development. But such cooperation is stoutly opposed by powerful US interests which are desperately trying to draw T&T into a US- led war against Venezuela. This has been having significant influence on the local elections. Opposition leader, Kamla Persad Bissessar has aligned herself openly with the Trump administration and its crude efforts to bludgeon Caribbean states into submission.

But there are significant local issues which have great bearing on the outcome of the T&T elections. Among these is the issue of electoral reform in general, and particularly the contentious matter of election financing. In every single CARICOM country where there is no stringent legislation governing this area of election influencing, the matter has not been dealt with adequately. Instead, the major political forces seek to take advantage of loose or non-existent legislation.

Some years ago, the Organisation of American States (OAS), in recognition of the weakness in this vital area, provided guidelines for such legislation on the national level. There has been little indication, either at governmental or opposition level, of serious attention to what is clearly an “open sesame” to the misuse of private financing to influence public policy. Instead, the main actors focus on the spending of the others, and the sources, in determining the outcome of elections.

The print media in T&T, in the run-up to elections, has begun to scratch the surface of this deep well of political corruption. It has revealed how millions of dollars are spent, taking advantage of the loopholes in the local Representation of the People Act. These provide for candidates to spend up to the paltry sum of TT $50,000 on their constituency campaigns and TT $5,000 in personal expenses. In addition, detailed expenses currently reveal that it can cost a minimum of TT$5,000 per month for rental of billboard space, Tee- shirts can cost up to TT$300 each, banners up to TT$1,200, large flags about TT $250 each and so on. Add to this the cost of electronic advertising by electoral broadcasts and advertisements. And there are the freeness activities associated with elections.Who pays for these, and to what end?

This is but one area where the current legislation is currently inadequate and leaves the electorate vulnerable to the influence of powerful interests. There are many other areas as well where the current legislation governing the conduct of elections needs urgent attention. But it seems that the attitude, whether by Government or Opposition, is to try and take advantage of the loopholes, but if not successful at the polls, to kick “high hell” afterwards.

Right here in SVG our government has made serious allegations of foreign financial interference in our electoral process. But despite such accusations, elections after elections, there has been no apparent appetite or desire for electoral reform. While election financing is key to tackling electoral influencing, there are many other critical areas of electoral reform which ought to be tackled, before the holding of the polls. Are we not tired of every post-election scenario of “dey teef”? Is bacchanal we like so?

On both sides of the parliamentary aisle, when are we going to address the issues?