Elections in the Caribbean: be-all and end-all

The system of parliamentary elections, with eligible voters over the age of 18 years entitled to cast a periodic ballot, is fundamental to the exercise of parliamentary democracy in the Caribbean. Voters elect candidates in a fixed number of constituencies for a period not exceeding five years and the person who commands the support of the majority of those elected is asked by the Head of State to form a government.{{more}}

The reality is that, though the Constitutions of the various countries do not spell it out, it is the leader of the party winning the most seats who becomes the Prime Minister. Thus, our elections are intrinsically linked to the system of party politics and the political tribalism spawned by this rivalry. So intense has this rivalry become that parties and politicians stop at virtually nothing in their quest for power and the trappings of office.

In turn, elections, which are supposed to be but one aspect of the system of democracy, become the “be-all and end-all” of our political system, with the winner, no matter how narrow the margin, taking all the spoils. Politicians once elected via this process, seem to completely misinterpret their function and perceive that role to be to “rule” rather than to “govern” by consensus.

Further, the very significance of our general elections, (not just in the Caribbean, mind you), is subverted and corrupted by the power of money and the financing of campaigns, sometimes not only by big business, but also by unsavoury and unscrupulous characters. While it is true that contesting parties publish manifestos, setting out their philosophy and plans, there is little evidence that these have any major influence on the outcome of elections. In fact, more and more, parties in the Caribbean have been publishing their manifestos literally on the eve of elections, leaving precious little time for the electorate to read, study, analyse and draw conclusions.

Instead, there is the resort to ‘fete-ism’, big ‘bashments’, with an array of highly-paid popular artistes. Entertainment now comes before education as a means of attracting crowds and wooing voters. From north to south, this is the reality of electioneering in the Caribbean today, with the singular exception of Cuba.

Another feature of Caribbean electoral politics is the almost disruptive role that elections play in the developmental process. There is a helter-skelter race to drain the public purse by incumbent governments, wild promises by parties, and a sense of chaos, appropriately termed the “silly season”. On a regional level, governments facing the polls have little time for regional gatherings, being too busy trying to save their skins and the integration movement suffers as a result.

In spite of all these not-very-positive features, we are yet to devise a more relevant system for allowing citizens to exercise their franchise and to choose governments they fancy. So, imperfect though they might be, elections are still the best mechanism we have. But it is palpably clear that we cannot stay there, general elections are but part of a system allowing citizens to participate in the political life of the country. Many more forms and mechanisms must be introduced on an on-going basis to make such participation more meaningful.

In the meantime, voters in three independent Caribbean countries, Grenada, Barbados and St Kitts/Nevis, get ready to cast their votes. Grenada’s poll is on today, Tuesday 19, while Barbadians will choose their government two days later. Elections in St Kitts/Nevis cannot be too far off, for there, the government is facing a no-confidence motion in Parliament.

There is much similarity with Grenada in this respect. There too, the government of Prime Minister Tillman Thomas faced a no-confidence motion, and like the Kittian Prime Minister Dr Denzil Douglas, PM Thomas also refused to convene Parliament to discuss it. He was finally forced to advise the Governor General to dissolve Parliament and call fresh elections. In both cases, the governments imploded, with leading Ministers of government either resigning or having been fired. It certainly does not speak highly of our maturity or stability in the region.

Pre-election polls in the “Spice Isle” have, predictably, given the edge to the opposition New National Party (NNP) led by former PM Dr Keith Mitchell. Mitchell lost the 2008 elections by 4 seats to 11, to Thomas’ National Democratic Congress (NDC), after a wash of corruption allegations. But Thomas has been unable to hold his team together, including a wing from the former New Jewel Movement, which rent itself asunder in a bloody implosion in 1983. According to the polls, a mere three per cent swing will give the NNP 9 seats while a five per cent swing will give Mitchell a very comfortable margin.

The Barbados election is not so clear cut. Just five years ago, three-term Prime Minister Owen Arthur was soundly defeated by the Democratic Labour Party (DLP), led by the late David Thompson. But Thompson died suddenly in 2010 and the rather lack-lustre veteran Freundel Stuart took his place. However, the DLP has been unfortunate to be in office during the worst financial crisis for eight decades and the party’s popularity has rapidly receded.

This prompted Arthur, who had given up the leadership of his Barbados Labour Party to controversial female politician Mia Mottley, to stage a “palace coup”, taking back the leadership from a disgruntled Mottley. In fact, this has come back to haunt Arthur and could be somewhat of an “Achilles heel” in the election, with Stuart revealing a note from Arthur offering him to “take Mottley” on his side.

Though the economy is by far the major issue, in typical Caribbean fashion, the politicians have stooped to personal attacks in their desperate bid to win. Respected pollster Peter Wickham, in his latest poll, published on Sunday, says the election is “too close to call” and that the DLP, well behind in the polls only six months ago, has made a remarkable fight-back, being just three percentage points behind the BLP. He, however, still gives the BLP the edge.

Should both countries change governments next week, the we are in another game of musical chairs in CARICOM.

Renwick Rose is a

community activist

and social com-mentator.