T&T, SVG: Crime and leadership

Last week, I began a column making references to the development of relations between T&T, the people in particular, and similarities or differences to our approach to politics and other matters of national importance. This column completes those comments.

The concluding paragraphs of last week’s column commented on some undesirable similarities and connections, especially where crime is concerned. But for the time being, some further comments on the politics.

As mentioned last week, our country shares with T&T and other Caribbean states, the colonial experience of what is in fact a two-party political system. While it is true that over time, even Britain has seen the launch of other parties beyond the traditional two, in essence, whether there or in Caribbean states, there has been no lasting third-party force. There have been alliances and coalitions but in essence, T&T is still PNM and the Indian-backed opposition DLP or UNC, while we in SVG have continued the PPP/Labour rivalry in the form of ULP and NDP. The same khaki pants.

It has proven extremely difficult to maintain a viable third party outside this arrangement as even our esteemed Prime Minister has found in his lengthy career. As far as the crime situation is concerned, more specifically, gun murders, we share the dubious distinction along with T&T and Jamaica of being among the worst offenders in the world based on the ratio of such murders to population. The Police have not yet disclosed any evidence to link our situation, personnel-wise, with that of our southern neighbour, but the situation is alarming. Equally worrying is the baffling approach of the top political leadership to this situation.

We get all kinds of theories about the reason for this spate of gun murders but somehow, especially when there is a spike, little sense of solace or urgency from those with responsibility for our safety.

In T&T there is a sort of helpless acceptance of this situation. The government has, just as the Carnival season was launched, declared a State of Emergency but so far there has been no visible impact. In fact, just two days after the Emergency was declared, a leading barrister and State Prosecutor was brazenly gunned down right outside the Seventh Day church where he attended worship on Old Year’s night.

Another unwelcome similarity between both states manifests itself in the issues surrounding political leadership, especially in succession. Before commenting on this, one must acknowledge the correctness of Dr. Gonsalves when he extolled the virtues of his administration in providing political stability over the past two and a half decades. This is remarkable in a Caribbean well-known for political opportunism leading to instability, in both Government and Opposition. It is not a completely clean record though but knowing the PM he is bound to raise some technicalities by way of explanation when the name of Jomo Thomas is raised. What has emerged though, in both T&T and SVG, is the situation where starting with Dr. Eric Williams and continuing under Dr. Gonsalves, the stability seems to derive from the complete dominance of the Maximum Leader. In the sixties and seventies, as far as the people of Trinidad and Tobago were concerned, all positive developments were attributed to the acumen of “the Doc” and all negatives laid at the feet of others. It took the “Black Power Revolution” of 1970 to expose the myths. When the chickens came home to roost in T&T, others, not the “infallible” Dr. Williams had to take the blame.

When the Doc faced internal challenges, he threatened to resign leaving his party to beg him to stay. Recognize any similarities? The dissenters, even the Doc’s right- hand man and apparent successor, ANR Robinson, could find no room in the inn. When he died and the mistakes of the PNM were laid bare, it was the unfortunate George Chambers who succeeded him, who had to bear the responsibility and blame for PNM and the Doc’s mistakes. Poor fellow! You recall “Captain the ship is sinking”.

Our situation is not exactly the same, but we must take heed. Having pumped us up with the quality of possible successors, our PM, maybe with good reason, has balked at opportunities to leave in style. Not only has he publicly identified two possible successors, displayed on a massive three-person billboard in Kingstown, both the PM and the ULP seem reluctant to take the plunge.

One big problem is that so big is Dr Gonsalves’ mantle that his successor is bound to suffer by comparison, at least initially. His son, Finance Minister Camillo Gonsalves, while getting rave reviews for his ministerial performances, is certainly low down on the mark sheet of an electorate accustomed to the likes of Joshua, Mitchell and De Comrade. He cannot be

another Ralph even if he tried, but his own people do not seem prepared to accept it.

The third person, Agriculture Minister Saboto Caesar, at one point seemed to be trying to develop into a clone of the Comrade but has become a little more assured later, but is the party ready to trust and follow him? If he is to lead, he has to get the reassurance of loyalty. I could go on and on but the reality must be faced one day.

• Renwick Rose is a Social and Political commentator.